He was the nation’s fourth president after Sukarno, Soeharto and B.J. Habibie. But he was the first to be elected in a post-authoritarian system of government.
In 1998, socioeconomic and political crises forced Soeharto to resign from the presidency he had occupied for more than three decades.
His vice president, Habibie, then took over for less than two years. In 1999 the People’s Consultative Assembly favored Gus Dur over Megawati Soekarnoputri to lead the country. Regardless of his physical limitations, he was considered the only person who could heal the country and unite the fragmented parties. Ironically, after less than two full years, his presidency was nullified and handed over by the Assembly to his vice president, Megawati.
It is important to note, however, that Gus Dur would not be remembered more as Indonesia’s fourth president. Instead, our reminiscence of him centers on the very fact that he was a man, an extraordinary one in fact, who dedicated himself to tolerance, pluralism, democracy and respect for human rights.
He might have failed as a president, yet he thrived as an ardent advocate of these important and fundamental issues. And because of that, he will be missed most as a person who others — regardless of socio-religious affiliation or ethnic origin — could lean on and turn to in their agonized as well as frustrating moments.
For Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Islamic organization in the country, he will be remembered more as an activist who guided the institution into modernity — in the truest sense of the word. In this organization, he deserved to be put on a par with Hasyim Asy’ari and Idham Chalid. The former was the NU founder and also Gus Dur’s grandfather. The latter was one of NU’s most well-known politicians, who led the organizations for decades.
Gus Dur entered Indonesia’s socio-religious and political limelight in the 1970s. As a leader at his grandfather’s Islamic boarding school in Jombang, East Java, he quickly impressed many Jakarta-based NGO activists. Though one should not forget that after all Gus Dur also spent his early years in Jakarta — given that his father, Wachid Hasyim, was a notable statesman and former minister of religious affairs.
Dawam Rahardjo, Adi Sasono, Utomo Dananjaya, the late Eky Syachruddin and Tawang Alun were among the earliest to regard him as a colleague. Having known him for several years, they were among his strongest supporters in his bid to be the NU head.
With Nurcholish Madjid joining his ranks, in 1980 Gus Dur succeeded Idham Chalid as chairman of NU.
He stayed at the helm of the organization for 15 years, successfully transforming it into a strong civil society institution.
It was during this time that Gus Dur also became a regular contributor for many media outlets.
Tempo, Kompas and Prisma were among his favorites. His interests were wide-ranging, but he was very keen to address the issue of Islam-state relations. Many misunderstood him as a proponent of secularism. Had they read him more carefully, they would know that he only wanted to place Islam in the context of Indonesia — culturally and politically.
This was where his idea of indigenization came in. In his view there is no need to put Islam culturally in the context of its origin, Saudi Arabia.
In Indonesia, Islam would thrive and make no discordance if it developed in the country’s socio-cultural context. Because of that, it is incumbent upon Islam to accept pluralism and accommodate indigenous and local cultures. Islam should also serve as a complementary factor in Indonesia’s socio-cultural and political life.
It was in this regard that once he posed the rhetorical question, “Why must we use the Arab word shalat [or pray] if the Indonesian term sembahyang is no less true [than the former in meaning]?”
And on another occasion he argued for the socio-cultural comparability of the Arabic “Assalamualaikum” with local greetings such as “Selamat pagi”.
These viewpoints became controversial only because many did not grasp the noble intention behind them.
Indonesians, whether in agreement with his ideas or otherwise, will likely remember Gus Dur in this context. They will miss him most for his viewpoints, controversial though they may be. With his demise, many will long for a father figure to lend them a hand in times of need and despair. It is very unlikely that they will see him in the context of the shortest period of his history — as the fourth president of the Republic of Indonesia.
by : Bactiar Effendy
Source :
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/01/05/insight-gus-dur-his-cultural-legacy-lives.html
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