Yudhoyono confuses the public even further

Indonesians are becoming even more confused over President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's speech, during which he was expected to provide a concrete resolution to the scandal involving the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the police and the Attorney General's Office.

A political analyst and activist from the Indonesian Civilized Circle (Lima), Ray Rangkuti, said on Monday that the speech did not resolve any problems regarding the fiasco.

"He talked for around 35 minutes. The first 29-minutes contained no clear points on how to resolve the case. The last five-minutes of the speech did not provide any resolution to the conflict either," he told The Jakarta Post.

"The President didn't make any decisions at all. He did not tell the police to drop the commission's case. He didn't state any possible punishments for police and AGO officials involved in the case," he said.

Rangkuti said the speech did nothing but arouse more public curiosity into whether the President seriously intended to combat corruption.

Yudhoyono won a landslide victory during the presidential election last July with more than 60 percent of the votes, which took him to the second term of administration.

During his campaign, Yudhyono promised to combat corruption if he was re-elected.

The police accused two KPK deputies, Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah, of bribery, power abuse and extortion.

The fact-finding team established by the President to provide recommendations on the case concluded that all charges lacked evidence and had many unresolved missing links.

The team had earlier recommended that Yudhoyono punish high-ranking officials in the National Police and the AGO for criminalizing the deputies.

The team also told the President to drop the charges against Bibit and Chandra, take action against those involved in the wiretapped conversation with businessman Anggodo Widjojo and reform the National Police and the AGO.

A wiretapped conversations involving police and AGO officials were recently played for the public at the Constitutional Court.

Anggodo allegedly gave bribes to middleman Ari Muladi, who later denied passing on the money to Bibit and Chandra.

Meanwhile, anti-corruption activists, such as Danang Widoyoko from the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW), expressed their apparent disappointment in the President's cryptic statements by demanding he be replaced.

"His statements were definitely unclear. That is why we call to fight and replace him," a political communication expert, Effendi Gazali, said as quoted by detik.com news portal.

Vice chairman of the Institute for Democracy and Peace (Setara) Bonar Tigor Naipospos also said he was disappointed with the speech, as it did nothing to resolve the conflict between the KPK, the police and the AGO.

"The speech has risked the government's legitimacy in its intention to eradicate corruption from the country," he said.

"The President will not follow the recommendations of the fact-finding team. This will *have* also created confusion among officials from the KPK, the police and the AGO," he added.



http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/24/yudhoyono-confuses-public-even-further.html

Out of court settlement not a good idea: Expert

Instead of having an out-of-court settlement, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is being urged
to set up an independent team to investigate National Police and Attorney General’s Office officials who allegedly initiated the investigation into false charges of bribery, extortion and power abuse against suspended Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputies Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah.

“The team must be able to find out who initiated the investigation. Find them and demand them to take responsibility,” the University of Indonesia (UI) expert on police, Bambang Widodo Umar, told The Jakarta Post here on Monday.

“If the inquiries recommend the dismissal of National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri and Attorney General Hendarman Supandji, Yudhoyono should not object to that,” he said

“The out of court settlement proposal has, like it or not, shown that the investigation is useless. The next step should be reforming the police force and the AGO by replacing those deemed responsible for the case,” Bambang said.

In a long-awaited speech on his ruling on the case late Monday, Yudhoyono said, “The better solution and option for the police and the AGO [would be to] not take the case to court but still consider the principles of justice.

“However, immediate efforts to correct and improve the three institutions [police, AGO and KPK] are necessary,” he said.

On Sunday, Yudhoyono said the investigations into the KPK deputies should be dropped and the case should be settled out of court.

The President has been in the spotlight since his name was mentioned in wiretapped conversations played at the Constitutional Court’s hearing. The recordings — of Anggodo Widjojo, brother of fugitive graft suspect Anggoro Widjojo, and top prosecutors among others — revealed a plot to frame Bibit and Chandra. Since then, the public has demanded that the President order the police and the AGO to drop the case against Bibit and Chandra.

The Indonesian Corruption Watch’s (ICW) Danang Widoyoko suggested the President should extend the service of the presidential fact-finding team, saying it was the only proper instrument that could be used to initiate a fair and independent investigation into these officials.

“We can no longer depend on the police and AGO’s internal affairs departments because they have always struggled to hold independent and impartial investigations,” he said.

Deputy Attorney General for special crimes, Marwan Effendy, acknowledged the AGO would obey the President’s decision.

“Whatever the decision is, we will be loyal to the President,” he said.

A legal expert from the Jakarta Muhammadiyah University, Chaerul Huda, said an out-of-court settlement would only jeopardize the entire judicial process.

“In my opinion, SBY should give the legal process a chance. Let the prosecutors bring the case to court and let us see whether a panel of judges cast the same judgment as those who support the prosecution of the pair,” he said.

Chaerul said if Bibit and Chandra were confident of being found innocent it should be not a problem for them to face trial.

UI’s Maswadi Rauf slammed the President, saying he had set a bad precedent by mixing legal problems with politics.

“This settlement might work for now but it doesn’t address the real problems in the case. We will never know who is right and wrong in this case. It actually endangers our attempt to enforce the law in the future,” he said.



http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/24/out-court-settlement-not-a-good-idea-expert.html

The education sector role in HIV prevention

Intervention to curb the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Indonesia should be conducted in a manner that it is low in cost and high in impact, so say authorities in HIV prevention.

This is well understood as resources are severely limited, and yet the epidemic is alive and kicking, and spreading.

It also makes sense as we need to seize the moment, as most of the infections occur within a specific population who are engaged in risky behavior, i.e., sex workers, Men having Sex with Men (MSM), and injecting drug users (IDUs).

In fact, infections among members of this sector contribute more than 75 percent of all reported cases.

It makes a lot of sense also as currently the national aggregate prevalence is still low (0.16 percent), except in West Papua where the epidemic has been generalized (2.4 percent among the population aged 15-49 years old).

The window of opportunity for an effective, low-cost prevention agenda is still wide open.

Having said all of the above, I need to mention the following.

First, the Commission on AIDS in Asia (2008) reminds us that we need to carefully monitor and be concerned about the emerging epidemic among monogamous women who are infected through their husbands (or male partners).

This emerging issue brings serious consequences. When more women are infected it means diminishing support for children and more children will be born from infected mothers, which will in turn increase the likelihood of infant infections.

HIV/AIDS cases reported to the Health Ministry (as of June 2009) do indicate fast growing infection among the population below the age of 19 and school-age individuals.

The number of reported cases increased dramatically from 19 cases in 1996 to 976 cases in 2009.

Those under 14 years old may have been infected through their infected mothers and the older children may be infected through injecting drug use.

There are at least three embedded issues within this emerging epidemic.

First is the fact that, in Indonesia, condom use among men buying sex is still very low. Second, women in marital relationships either have low awareness of their partners' at-risk sexual behavior or they are culturally not equipped or empowered to negotiate condom use with their partners.

Finally, women in marital relationships are not a primary target for the IEC program on HIV prevention.

Second, we need to draw our attention to the strength of formal education. A survey in 2007 clearly suggests that the higher the level of education of the men and women who were in marital relationships, the higher their knowledge of HIV and how it is transmitted and prevented.

Of course, this may mean that better educated people may have a higher need for information. This may also mean, however, that currently information on HIV//AIDS is available in textbooks or on courses in higher levels of education (currently, in high schools and above). The second possibility warrants our serious consideration.

Third, we need to carefully examine how some people are socially constructed as the Most-at-Risk Population (MARP) in the HIV/AIDS epidemic. People are engaged in at-risk behavior for a number of reasons.

Simply put, some people may not know that their behavior risks HIV infection. If they know, they may not know what to do about it for a series of yet different reasons. One is isolation due to discrimination and stigmatization.

Sex workers, MSM and IDUs are groups of people whose behavior is not socially acceptable. They have to fight an uphill battle to get recognition and to preserve their entitlement to basic rights.

Another reason is poverty and, many times, a combination of minority status, "deviant" group status, and poverty. People living in destitution will do anything to survive, including behavior that may compromise their health and safety.

It is also worth noting that many individuals living in poverty are trapped in exploitative and abusive circumstances.

What has this to do with the education sector? There are a few important linkages.

No one is born vulnerable. Vulnerability is socially constructed. Social acceptance or rejection of certain behavior or certain characteristics of individual human beings is commonly preserved in the family or community. We should remember that one of the sectors which are constructed to inform individuals and affect their behavior is the education sector.

Most people, including those labeled as MARP have been, or are currently still, in the formal education system. The problem, however, is that the sector presently does not provide enough and appropriate information and skills to deal with HIV.

It is a great mistake to ignore the role of the education sector in the national strategic planning for HIV prevention. Our children deserve protection from the negative impacts of the epidemic early on.

Although it is acknowledged that changing the education sector to accommodate strategies to prevent HIV infection may be difficult, inevitably the sector should be more responsive, since children and other human resources within the sector are already affected by the epidemic.


by : Irwanto



http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/07/the-education-sector-role-hiv-prevention.html

Cultures, fabrics mix and match

Works of more than 90 leading Indonesian fashion designers are on display in the country's most anticipated fashion event - the annual Jakarta Fashion Week (JFW).

During JFW, which concludes Nov. 20, several Indonesian designers will showcase their latest collections, inspired by elements of Indonesian heritage.

Also taking part are renowned Indian designers Tarun Tahiliani and Malini Ramani, using Indonesian fabrics such as batik and ikat.

Their fabulous creations hit the runway Saturday night in "A Tale of Two Cultures", a project with Indonesian designers Sebastian Gunawan and Priyo Oktaviano, who used Indian fabrics in their designs.

Earlier in the year, Tarun and Malini visied Jakarta to select traditional fabrics, and Sebastian and Priyo visited India to explore the richness of traditional Indian textiles.

The Indian designers said they were excited to be part of JFW.

"I love ikat. I like the colors and patterns. But I find it a bit difficult to combine the fabrics," Malini said. "I thought about what I could do to make it nice, and how would I combine them and make them a little bit Indian."

Tarun combines traditional textiles with fabrics such as velvet and chiffon. Malini uses tribal styles and embroidery in her collection.

Svida Alisjahbana, CEO of Femina Group and chairwoman of this year's JFW, said at the opening ceremony Saturday that the goal of JFW is "to turn Jakarta into a major fashion hub, both within the region and internationally.

"It is also a good event to promote our traditional textiles."

Prominent Indonesian designer Taruna Kusmayadi called the event "every designer's dream, because this is a good event to show and sell products to promising customers."

During the week, several independent designers, such as Ivan Gunawan, Stella Risa, Merdi Sihombing and Benten, will display their latest creations.

Also on display will be collections from designers specializing in Islamic wear, such as Merry Pramono, Monika Jufry and Iva Latifah.

As always, the festival will include the final stage of the annual Indonesian fashion design contest. .

There's plenty for children also, with the Bubble Girl collection by Sebastian Gunawan and his wife Christina Panarese, and the Kids Model Search modeling competition on Sunday.

Main events will take place at Pacific Place mall in South Jakarta.



http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/15/cultures-fabrics-mix-and-match.html

President’s inaction only hurts him Survey

A recent survey says President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s image has taken a battering following his seeming reluctance to step in to the antigraft breach and the Bank Century debacle, which could risk the success of his 100-day program.

The survey was based on reports from five national Indonesian-language dailies — Kompas, Tempo, Media Indonesia, Republika and Seputar Indonesia – from Nov. 3 to 9.

“The public’s negative perception of the President is rated at 64 percent, higher than last week’s rating of 53.85 percent,” Indonesian Survey Circle—Network (LSI-Network) public issues executive director Denny J.A. said Thursday.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) saga revolves around a possible conspiracy between the National Police and the Attorney General’s Office to undermine the antigraft body by framing two of its deputy chairmen, Chandra M. Hamzah and Bibit Samad Rianto, in a bribery case.

A tape indicating the conspiracy was played at a nationally televised hearing at the Constitutional Court, in which it was hinted that Anggodo Widjojo, the younger brother of fugitive graft suspect Anggoro Widjojo, had masterminded the conspiracy.

The tape also indicated possible involvement by Yudhoyono, after individuals in the tape told Anggodo that “SBY has given his support” for the scheme.

“The President has condemned the individuals exploiting his name in the tape, but he has yet to file charges of defamation with the police,” Denny said.

“The President surely has his own reasons, but his policy of inaction on the use of his name only further strengthens speculation of his possible involvement.”

Denny also said Yudhoyono’s apparent dithering in following up on his own fact-finding team investigating the KPK debacle only made it worse for the President’s image.

The team has recommended the charges against the KPK deputies be dropped due to lack of evidence, but Yudhoyono passed on that decision to the police and the AGO.

House of Representatives Deputy Speaker Pramono Anung, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said Yudhoyono should have taken more definite actions on his fact-finding team’s recommendation.

In a related case, the Bank Century debacle, the President has also been considered to have failed to urging his House-dominating Democratic Party to take concrete action in resolving the bank’s bailout, LSI-Network said.

The Century debacle revolves around the Rp 6.7 trillion (US$710 million) bailout to save the troubled bank, far higher than the initially estimated Rp 1.3 trillion.

Implicated in both the KPK and Century debacles is suspended National Police chief detective Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji.

“The Democratic Party legislators are the only ones who have not yet signed the petition requesting an inquiry committee into the Bank Century bailout be established,” Denny said.

“The Democratic Party, again, could have its own arguments, but its reluctance to support the petition only confirms that the President and his inner circle are taking a different stance from that of the general public.”


http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/13/president%E2%80%99s-inaction-only-hurts-him-survey.html

President sets 45 programs for first 100 days

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has set 45 programs to be implemented by his cabinet in the first 100 days in office including 15 priority programs.

"The first 100 days are an important period of time and therefore after planning, formulating and listening to recommendations I today determined the programs so that important activities could be done in the period to make the programs for the next five years could be done well and be better than before later in the next five years," he said after presiding over a cabinet meeting at his office on Thursday.

The head of state said the 15 main programs were programs that had to be completed.

"Of the 45 programs I have determined 15 as urgent programs for implementation in the first 100 days," he said.

The priority programs include eradication of "mafia" of justice through the opening of post office box 9949 to recieve complaints from the public.

"By mafia of justice I mean those who conduct activities that hurt others such as those done by legal case middlemen, bribery, extortion, case trade, threats on witnesses and illegal levies," he said.

President Yudhoyono emphasized the importance of the operation against them because these activities damaged the sense of justice and caused material damages and gave illegal benefits for the actors.

The second priority program meanwhile is revitalizing strategic industries. President Yudhoyono also mentioned counter-terrorism efforts, increasing electricity capacity, improving production sector and food resilience as well as revitalizing fertilizer and sugar plants as the other priority programs.

Five other priority programs cover environment, health, education, disaster management and synchronization of relations between central and local administrations and also with private sectors.

"After this it will be work. The good plan is only 30 percent of the success. If we do not have plans or directions we will fail to achieve the targets," he said.

The meeting lasting from 10am to 4pm was attended by all cabinet ministers.


http://www.antara.co.id/en/news/1257434572/president-sets-45-programs-for-first-100-days

Police chief tight-lipped over Wiliardi`s testimony

National Police Chief Gen Bambang Hendarso Danuri on Wednesday remained tight-lipped to newsmen when asked about Wiliardi Wizar`s testimony in former anti-graft body chief Antasari Azhar`s trial for murder suggesting Antasari was framed.

The National Police chief immediately put his index finger on his lips when reporters asked him about the testimony of Police Senior Commissioner Wiliardi Wizar at a hearing of Antasari`s case at the South Jakarta District Court on Tuesday.

Wiliardi, who is a co-defendant in the murder of businessman Nasrudin Zulkarnaen, said, when he was in police custody, certain police officers had asked him to "do something" to incriminate Antasari. He also said Antasari had been framed (into a situation where he could be easily accused of involvement in Nasrudin`s murder).

Danuri was approached by reporters after he had attended a ceremony marking the transfer of the army chief of staff`s duties at the Army Headquarters here on Wednesday.

Pressed to comment on Wilairdi`s testimony and a House of Representatives (DPR) member`s call for a clarification from him as National Police chief, Hendarso again put his finger on his lips.

His adjutants and guards then pushed the reporters away from him so they could not ask him any further questions.

Danuri only said "Ssst ... sst... later" while waving his hand to the reporters.

The National Police chief was asked to clarify the statement made by former South Jakarta district police chief Wiliardi Wizar on the alleged fabrication of the murder charges against former Eradication Commission (KPK) chief Antasari Azhar.

Wiliardi told the South Jakarta district court on Tuesday that a number of top police officials had forced him to make false statements to implicate Antasari in the murder of businessman Nasrudin Zulkarnaen.

"It should be clarified immediately, because the police image has been tarnished by the allegations," House Commission III member Desmond J Mahesa said.

He said the Police chief should clarify the matter immediately or else the people would continue to question the police`s credibility.


http://www.antara.co.id/en/news/1257963131/police-chief-tight-lipped-over-wiliardis-testimony

SBY yet to speak out on interim report

President Susilo Bambang Yu-dhoyono remains cautious about stepping into the antigraft breach, despite recommendations by his own fact-finding team that two antigraft deputies be cleared of all charges.

The recommendation led Monday to the Attorney General's Office (AGO) announcing it would return the dossier on suspended Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chairman Chandra M. Hamzah to the police for lack of evidence. The dossier of Bibit Samad Rianto, another KPK deputy is still under review of the AGO.

The police have since said they would revise the dossier to take the two to trial on charges of bribery, extortion and abuse of power.

Yudhoyono's only response was to urge prosecutors and the police to follow up on the team's interim report.

The team cited for its recommendation the lack any evidence showing that an alleged bribe of
Rp 5.1 billion from businessman Anggodo Widjojo had been paid to Bibit and Chandra to halt an investigation into the KPK's investigation of alleged graft implicating Anggodo's older brother, Anggoro Widjojo.

They also pointed out key witness Ari Muladi, a middleman used by Anggodo in the deal, had handed over the money to another person, Julianto, and not to the KPK deputies, as alleged by the police.

Both Bibit and Chandra have denied ever knowing Ari or Julianto, or receiving the funds.

“The President is not authorized to halt an ongoing legal process," said Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto, to questions about why Yudhoyono had not stepped in, after submitting the team's recommendation to the latter at the Presidential Palace on Monday night.

“That’s why he's asked the police chief and the attorney general to respond to the team's interim report.”

National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Nanan Soekarna said Tuesday at a press conference the police would gather more evidence to meet the AGO's demands for a watertight case that could be prosecuted in court, after the latter returned Chandra's dossier.

“We'll fix the dossiers by questioning more witnesses,” he said.

Also on Tuesday, Attorney General Hendarman Supandji said at a hearing at the House of Representatives that he respected the team’s interim report, but that the AGO would take Bibit and Chandra to court once the dossiers were complete.

“We're just waiting for the police to revise the dossiers,” he said.

At the same House hearing, legislators from House Commission III on legal affairs questioned the fact-finding team’s recommendations, which they said went beyond their authority.

“The AGO has the authority to assess whether facts included in the dossiers are acceptable or not, and it is up to the court to decide whether a defendant is guilty or not,” said deputy commission chairman Azis Syamsuddin, from the Golkar Party.

“Why would the team make a statement to the media about their judgement in an ongoing legal process? This is something we want clarified.”

Legislator Fahri Hamzah, from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), denounced the team's report as biased, saying it had no authority to intervene in the legal process.

Ruhut Sitompul, a legislator from Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, called on all parties to accept the independent team's interim report because it was mandated by the President and its eight members had “worked hard with transparency”.


http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/11/sby-yet-speak-out-interim-report.html

Monopoly rears its ugly head

The state electricity monopoly (PLN) raised again its ugly head with more extensive damages as rotating power blackouts, previously limited mostly to areas outside Java, have now hit even the capital city, the center of political and commercial power.

PLN chief executive officer Fahmi Mochtar said Monday the rolling power outages in Jakarta and its surrounding towns, initially caused by the explosion of a transformer at the high-voltage transmission grid in Cawang in September, would continue until Christmas due to the technical problems at the Muara Karang power generation plant in north Jakarta.

Businesses are now counting their losses. But it is yet a small consolation that, contrary to the current legal uncertainty caused by the legal limbo of two suspended leaders of the Corruption Eradication Commission, PLN injected at least a sense of certainty – its power blackouts run on a fixed schedule.

In the past most power outages were sudden and unannounced, thereby inflicting losses not only due to the stoppage of operations or production but also the severe damages to production processes, production equipment/machinery.

Whatever blackout it is — whether sudden or scheduled — the power outage is causing big losses and gross inconvenience to the people. Still more devastating is the strengthening perception among the international and national business communities of the unreliability and acute shortage of electricity in Indonesia.

Unreliability and acute shortage of power supply has now become one of the biggest barriers to investment in the country.

Even though the government’s power policy and regulatory framework should share the responsibility for our current electricity crisis, the latest wave of blackouts should be blamed squarely on PLN’s poor management and unreliable maintenance service. How could the problem of a transformer cause blackouts to such a vast area for so a long time?

However, the problem is that consumers don’t have another alternative power supplier due to the PLN monopoly.

The latest bout of rolling blackouts therefore should signal a stronger warning that as long as PLN holds the monopoly over electricity generation and transmission we will remain gripped by an acute power shortage and unreliable power supply at the expense of our economy.

Accountability has never been the hallmark of a monopoly.

Put another way, the current rotating blackouts should force the government to accelerate the enforcement of the new electricity law, which was approved by the parliament in September.

This new legislation will break up PLN’s monopoly of the power sector and allow private investors and regional administration-owned companies to generate, transmit, distribute and sell electricity to consumers but still under a government-controlled tariff system.

The power crisis should serve as an alarm to the judges at the Constitutional Court not to be so narrow-minded as to annul the new electricity law as too liberal as the court’s panel of judges did in 2004 when it annulled a similar law designed to break up the PLN monopoly.

The current electricity debacle also should make it most urgent and imperative for the government and PLN to speed up the construction of the new generation plants launched four years ago under the 10,000 megawatt-crash program.



http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/12/monopoly-rears-its-ugly-head.html

Courting Sharia in Indonesia

An extremist figure whose role in terrorist activities is questioned comes to the forefront ahead of Indonesian presidential polls, and corruption, economic woes and disillusionment could pave his way.

Reports say that Abu Bakar Ba'asyir - the reputed spiritual leader of the militant Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and head of the Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia party (MMI) - is considering running for president of Indonesia in elections scheduled for 2009.

While an estimated 86.4 percent of Indonesia's 234 million citizens are Muslims, most are moderates, and some of Ba'asyir's policies, especially his call for the implementation of Sharia law, could well strike resonant chords among many.

Ba'asyir's MMI is an umbrella organization for groups fighting for Sharia law in Indonesia.

While Ba'asyir denies involvement with the militant JI, he has stood trial and been convicted of involvement in terrorism and the recent arrests of top JI commanders have implicated him in direct involvement in the group's leadership.

During a recent interview in Jakarta, MMI spokesman Fauzan al-Anshori said that Ba'asyir first had the idea of running in the 2009 presidential election after a scandal involving illegal funds in the 2004 electoral campaign emerged in June. The scandal appears to involve all the candidates, including Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

"Ba'asyir is considering the possibility" but "he said that he wants to see what the people say first," Al Anshori told reporters.

On 9 June, Ba'asyir's involvement in JI again came to the forefront when Indonesia special police arrested the reputed head of JI, Zarkasih (also known as Mbah, or Grandfather), and the group's alleged military commander, Abu Dujana (whose aliases include Yusron Mahmudi, Pak Guru, Mahfud, Ainul Bahri, Sobirin and Dedi) in Banyumas, Central Java.

Both Dujana and Zarkasih trained in Afghanistan.

Between 9-11 June, special police also arrested seven other JI suspects: Arif Syaifudin, who was caught in Surabaya; Aris Widodo, caught in Karanganyar, Central Java; and Aziz Mustofa and Nur Afifudin, both of whom were arrested in Ngaglik, Sleman, Yogyakarta. All the suspects are believed to be aides of Dujana.

Taking no chances about mistaken identity, National Police spokesman Inspector-General Sisno Adiwinoto said fingerprint and DNA analysis had helped police identify Dujana.

Dujana, who speaks fluent Arabic, and Zarkasih were wanted for a spate of terrorist attacks, including the bombings of two nightclubs on Bali on 12 October 2002, in which more than 200 people were killed, along with a bombing at the JW Marriott hotel in Jakarta on 5 August 2003, a suicide bombing outside the Australian embassy in Jakarta on 9 September 2004 and 2 October 2005 suicide bombings on Bali, which killed 23 people.

During a press conference with the Indonesian national police, Dujana said: "From 1993 to 2000, Jamaah was led by ustadz [teacher] Abdullah Sungkar, then he was replaced by Abu Bakar Ba'asyir from 2000 to 2002. Then from 2002 to 2003, [JI] was led by ustadz Abu Risyan. From 2003 to 2005, it was led by ustadz Adung, and from 2005 until now [it has been led] by Zarkasih."

More damning evidence followed, with police telling reporters after the raids that they had seized video footage showing another top JI operative saying that Ba'asyir had once led JI.

Al-Anshori was quick to denounce the allegations. "It's a lie. Ustadz Ba'asyir was never appointed as JI's leader. He was only a friend of Abdullah Sungkar," he said. According to Al-Anshori, a Supreme Court ruling had vindicated Ba'asyir, "We defer to the Indonesian Supreme Court's decision proving that Abu Bakar Ba'asyir had nothing to do with Jemaah Islamiyah […] or with terror attacks in Indonesia."

While Zarkasih and Dujana were arrested on 9 June, their capture was only announced on 15 June. That morning, before the arrests were announced, according to a report on the Indonesian Internet site Jakarta detikcom, Ba'asyir, speaking from his residence at the Al-Mukmin Islamic School in Sukoharjo, called on Zarkasih to continue fighting for his principles.

"Keep your belief. If [Zarkasih] is confident that the way that he has chosen is in line with Islamic Sharia, he must not turn from this position, even though he has to face security problems. If he admits to having chosen the wrong path, he must repent of his sins immediately. Then he must tell the government if he actually did do the things that the government has accused him of or not."

Ba'asyir said that he first met Zarkasih when he was a student at Al-Mukmin, when he was known as Arif Sunarso. "I met him several times at some Koran recitation forum in Malaysia. I do not know about his current activities," Ba'asyir was quoted as saying. "I stress that they [who commit violence] do not commit any terror. Actually they are counter-terrorists. Their objective is good, but they have chosen the wrong way. They aim to fight against the real terrorist, the United States and its ally. So they are only ordinary criminals."
The trial trail

Ba'asyir was arrested a week after the October 2002 Bali bombings. He was put on trial in 2003, but because the prosecution failed to prove that he was a JI leader, he was sentenced instead to 18 months in prison for immigration offences. Police then rearrested him in April 2004 immediately after his release from prison and charged him under Indonesia's new anti-terrorism law.

During his trial, Malaysians Syamsul Bahri and Amran bin Mansur testified that Ba'asyir did in fact head JI. Bahri said he was told by Mukhlas, who was sentenced to death for his role in the 2002 Bali bombings, that Ba'asyir assumed the JI leadership after founder Abdullah Sungkar died in 1999. Amran - also known by his Indonesian name Andi Saputro - gave a less damning testimony, saying "I did hear people saying that Ba'aysir was selected to replace Abdullah Sungkar as JI leader but some people also said that it was Abu Rusdan, not Abu Bakar Ba'asyir."

Ba'asyir was sentenced to 30 months in prison after being convicted of having a role in planning the Bali bombings. He was freed in June 2006 after serving 26 months of his sentence. On the day of his release, he told reporters: "I thank Allah that I am free today. I call on all Muslims to unite behind one goal, which is the implementation of Sharia law."

On 21 December 2006, the Indonesian Supreme Court overturned Ba'asyir's conviction for involvement in the Marriott hotel bombing, greatly angering the Australian government.

Ba'asyir has made a number of provocative statements on terrorism. In October 2002, in the wake of the Bali bombings, he said: "I support Osama Bin Laden's struggle because his is the true struggle to uphold Islam, not terror - the terrorists are America and Israel."
Indonesia treads gingerly

In Indonesia, officials are treading gingerly, and there is considerable debate among Indonesian intelligence specialists as to how much the recent arrests have actually weakened JI. Police say the JI structure has been simplified and centralized, and has four wings: proselytism, education, logistics and the armed wing, which was allegedly led by Dujana. More than 400 alleged JI members have been arrested since the 2002 Bali bombing, and Jakarta has prosecuted almost 200 people for terrorist offenses since then, sentencing five to death.

Ba'asyir certainly views himself as having a political role, if only as an adviser. On 19 February, he and a dozen followers went to the presidential palace to urge President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to implement Sharia law, saying: "We are here simply to advise the president that the country would be devastated if Islamic Sharia law is not implemented."

President Yudhoyono declined to meet with him.

In 2004, Washington requested Ba'asyir's extradition, but Jakarta refused, citing the fact that Indonesia had no extradition treaty with the US.

Washington strongly believes that Ba'asyir is connected to JI. On 13 April 2006, the US Treasury froze the assets of four JI leaders.

"As JI's top leader, Ba'asyir has authorized terrorist operations and the use of JI operatives and resources for multiple terrorist attacks in Southeast Asia. According to JI members, Ba'asyir needed to approve significant JI operations, either personally or through his leadership council. Ba'asyir authorized the Bali bombings of October 12, 2002, that killed 202 people. He authorized the use of JI operatives and resources for a plan to conduct simultaneous bomb attacks against US embassies in Southeast Asia on or near the first anniversary of the September 11, 2001 attacks. Ba'asyir also ordered a series of bomb attacks on Indonesian churches on December 24, 2000. The Christmas Eve bombings, carried out in 38 locations in 11 cities, killed 19 people and wounded approximately 120," the Treasury Department said in a statement.

In the meantime, advocates of Sharia law see their time as coming. And Jakarta has already made concessions. In December 2000, the government agreed to Aceh province to implement Sharia law as a compromise to pacify demands for the province's independence.

Another plank in JI's philosophy is the re-establishment of the Caliphate, a 1,600-year-old Muslim religious office ended by Ottoman Turkish leader Kemal Ataturk in 1924, which dated back to the time of the death of the Prophet Muhammad. The idea has steadily gained ground in recent years, and a Ba'asyir victory could energize militants worldwide pressing for the institution's restoration.
Altering the political landscape

If Ba'asyir does decide to run for election, he will face the choice of either establishing or affiliating with one of the country's marginal conservative Islamic parties, as Indonesian electoral law currently prohibits independent presidential contestants.

Particularly galling to Ba'asyir is Article 29 of the Indonesian Constitution that guarantees freedom of religion to Muslims as well as the country's Christian and Hindu minorities, estimated in the 2000 census at 8.7 percent and 1.8 percent, respectively. Other religious minorities, including Buddhists, are numbered at 3.4 percent.

A number of factors could alter Indonesia's political landscape before the 2009 elections. Indonesia's fragile economy, which, while largely recovered from the 1997 Southeast Asian economic crisis, could still experience a downturn. Furthermore, Muslim groups' influence has benefited from increased poverty. When Yudhoyono took office in 2004 he promised new policies to stimulate foreign investment, alleviate poverty and provide millions of jobs - vows that remain largely unfulfilled.

Corruption is also a major concern. Transparency International's 2007 survey places Indonesia among the most corrupt countries in the world, with a lax attitude towards prosecuting offenders, including former president Suharto, accused of embezzling an estimated US$15 billion-US$30 billion during his 32 years in power.

Indonesia placed 55th on Foreign Policy's 2007 Index of Failed States, which nevertheless said the situation had improved from the previous year. "The first direct elections were held in December in Indonesia's Aceh Province, host to a three-decade-long separatist war that ended in a truce in 2005. Former rebel leader Irwandi Yusuf, who escaped from jail after his prison was destroyed by the December 2004 tsunami, was elected governor, sidelining former elites who had long monopolized power."

Further besmirching Yudhoyono's reputation is a burgeoning scandal involving former fisheries minister Rokhmin Dahuri, who admitted in court that he distributed US$1.8 million in government money to candidates in the 2004 elections. Yudhoyono is also accused of having received some of that money - a charge he denies.

Another possible factor aiding a possible Ba'asyir candidacy is the country's fragmented political landscape, with more than 20 political parties. While radical Islamic parties received few votes during 2004 legislative elections, an anti-corruption platform combined with a moderate Islamic platform could well receive in an increased hearing in 2009, especially if Indonesia's major parties trot out tired candidates with dubious track records.

Ba'asyir has proven to be a master at advocating Islamic values while downplaying his reported terrorist connections. A major economic downturn, combined with yet more damaging corruption charges against the country's political elite could well boost his visibility at the polls - a situation that could provide Western democracies with a most unpalatable electoral choice in the world's most populous Muslim nation.

by : Dr John C K Daly

Bringing Aceh back in: Is sharia really needed?

It seems almost natural that the Aceh legislature has passed a bill on adultery based on Islamic sharia - which derives from the Koran and Sunnah (traditions of Prophet Muhammad). According to the Koran, adultery is punishable by 100 strokes of the cane. A married person committing adultery has to be stoned to death.

This should come as no surprise to us given the central government's commitment to honor the political arrangements of 2001 that gave Aceh semi-autonomy and the unique position of being administered by Islamic sharia. Interestingly, the bill on adultery which was passed in early October this year by Aceh's regional parliament is still being put on hold. Aceh governor, the sole executor of any policies designed for the province, is reportedly still not willing to sign it into law.

The bill's fate is still not clear. But, if such thing - the passing of the bill by the regional parliament on one hand, and the unwillingness of the executive to sign it on the other - persists, it will not only create a political debacle in the region, but also raise questions regarding the whole idea of sharia as the governing mechanism of the province. Why bother having Islamic law if it is not going to be put into practice?

While the impasse between legislative and executive bodies may generate concern, especially with regard to the seriousness of some of the elites to implement sharia, it provides opportunities to once again discuss the position of sharia in Aceh. In this case, one simple question that has never actually been presented to the Acehnese in general is whether or not they really need their justice system to be based on sharia.

More than any other region in the country, Islam occupies a very special position in Aceh, to the extent that Aceh is symbolized by the nickname "Veranda of Mecca". Due to this socio-cultural trait, Aceh has never been historically treated as a secular region. At the same time, the government never authorized Aceh to be administered by Islamic principles.

Interestingly, no complaints were ever lodged against the central government on this matter. The uneasy relationship between two important leaders, rebel leader Daud Bereueh and former President Sukarno, for instance, did not involve religious issues. Similarly, Hassan Tiro's bitter enmity toward the government did not concern Islam among Acehnese. Indeed, the existence of the Free Aceh Movement only strengthened the belief that it was economic and political justice that the Acehnese were after.

A struggle to demand economic and political justice is not something that is unique to Aceh. Virtually all the other regions seek the same agenda. These were actually the expectations of any existing regions when they decided to join the unitary state of Indonesia. By integrating themselves into a greater Indonesia, the common ideals - stability, security, and prosperity - can theoretically be more easily achieved.

Under these circumstances there was no justifiable reason for the government to authorize Aceh to administer its affairs in accord with Islamic law as part of its special status. In fact, by doing so, the central government has actually planted a time bomb where Aceh would be viewed by other regions as a regional test case for Islamic sharia at work.

During my recent visit to Aceh I sensed that not even the Acehnese are interested in turning their region into a laboratory for the implementation of sharia. Instead, they want to seize their moment - the golden opportunity that has been presented to them since the fall of Soeharto, and especially after the 2005 peace agreement - so that they can develop Aceh socio-culturally, economically, and politically.

I might be wrong, but the Acehnese perceive the implementation of certain sharia laws such as the adultery law as hindering their efforts to catch up with the country's more developed regions.

It is time that both the government and the parliament need to re-evaluate the authority given to Aceh to administer itself by sharia. It certainly has influenced other regions to pass controversial sharia bylaws - a development that has raised concern and called for a repeal of these bylaws.

The fact that Islam is an important aspect of Indonesian social, political, and legal culture is not something that can be overlooked. Yet as shown in many of our national laws, the necessity to accommodate Islam has to be partial in nature.

While the existence of Islamic family law and rules concerning the management of hajj (the pilgrimage), are perfectly acceptable, an attempt to introduce or pass criminal laws based on Islamic sharia would certainly polarize the country.

Bringing Aceh back in the unitary, secular nature of Indonesia's legal arrangement is an initial step in preventing that from occurring.

by : Bachtiar Effendy

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/05/bringing-aceh-back-is-sharia-really-needed.html

KPK urged to probe Kaban's role in Masaro graft

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) must probe former forestry minister M.S. Kaban's role in the allegedly graft-riddled procurement of a radio communication system from PT Masaro, antigraft activists say.

"This is not the first time Kaban has been linked to a graft case.

"Previously, he was allegedly involved with a graft scandal at Bank Indonesia," ICW coordinator Febri Diansyah told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.

"Now, it has been claimed he is involved in the Masaro procurement scandal. However, he has not been detained," he added.

The procurement scandal dates back to June 2008 when the KPK probed former legislator Yusuf Emir Faisal over allegations he received bribes from Masaro owner Anggoro Widjojo. The KPK also named Anggoro a suspect, but he fled to Singapore in July 2008.

He has remained at large since.

Anggoro's younger brother, Anggodo Widjojo, was then reportedly named in a taped recording to orchestrate a move to weaken the KPK.

He was said to be using his contacts at the National Police and the Attorney General's Office to frame the antigraft body's deputy chairmen, Chandra M. Hamzah and Bibit Samad Rianto, in graft cases.

The tape, which was broadcast at the Constitutional Court, sparked controversy and its transcript forced President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to establish a fact-finding team to investigate the truth behind the alleged anti-KPK movement by the police and the AGO.

It was during the team's investigation process that Kaban's name was seen to be linked to the Masaro graft case.

After a meeting Wednesday night with National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri on the Chandra-Bibit issue, team leader Adnan Buyung Nasution said during a press conference Kaban's alleged involvement was found when police were investigating the testimony of discharged KPK chief Antasari Azhar.

The investigation on Antasari's testimony, which was used to charge Chandra and Bibit, then found a connection with the raid on Masaro's office by the KPK.

During that raid a document was reportedly found containing information about Kaban's alleged involvement in the procurement scandal.

Buyung said Bambang told him the police did not follow up on the findings during its investigation process on the Antasari testimony because they believed the Masaro case was in the domain of the KPK.

A report by detik.com said KPK investigators had found the document indicated a payment worth Rp 14 billion (US$1.47 million) to Kaban. However, whether the document is valid has yet to be confirmed. The KPK has yet to investigate.

Febri said although there was not enough reason for the fact-finding to summon Kaban because the team had been employed to probe the Chandra-Bibit issue, he thought the team's findings about Kaban's alleged involvement should be enough to push the KPK to probe the former minister further.

"The team can issue a recommendation to the KPK to investigate and arrest Kaban," he said.

One of the team's members, Denny Indrayana, refused to comment on the matter when asked whether the team would summon Kaban on this matter.

Additionally, Kaban did not answer his phone when the Post tried to contact him on the issue.


http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/06/kpk-urged-probe-kaban039s-role-masaro-graft.html

Legislative inquiry into Century bailout scandal, no jokes please

Still on the defensive from heavy attacks over the bizarre arrest of two Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputies, the Yudhoyono administration is bracing itself for yet another front.

The budding challenge is a threat from an alliance of legislators, mostly those from political parties which refused to join Yudhoyono’s grand coalition government, to hold an inquiry into the Rp 6.7 trillion (US$699 million) in taxpayers’ money used to bail out Bank Century.

In the forefront are legislators from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), who have formed their own investigative team and put the planned inquiry on its first-100-day list of priority programs.

On the bandwagon are House legislators from smaller opposition parties, the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), the People’s Conscience Party (Hanura) and quite a number of lawmakers from the Golkar Party, which is part of Yudhoyono’s coalition.

The PDI-P party has claimed that, as of last week, 200 legislators from various political parties in the House have signed up for the inquiry — way higher than the 25 petitioners the law requires for such a motion.

The inquiry, if it does materialize, would force the government to disclose the mystery surrounding the bailout that could provide strong ammunition to take the scandal to justice but is not likely to lead to the President’s impeachment.

The government’s rescue of the crumbling private bank has erupted into a political scandal due to the bailout fund’s exponential upward revision, from the initially estimated Rp 1.7 trillion the House approved, to a whopping Rp 6.7 trillion.

You may wonder what you can spend if you wake up and find Rp 6.7 trillion transferred to your bank account — it is a lot, really. By comparison, the government spent “only” Rp 100 billion in emergency funds for victims of the recent devastating earthquake in West Sumatra.

Bank Indonesia and Finance Ministry officials made quite a scene when they openly blamed each other for the outrage. Many people have demanded the authorities look into the possibility of a conspiracy between the owners and corrupt officials to defraud the bank.

The government insists that Bank Century’s survival needed emergency measures and closure would have only triggered a catastrophic domino effect in the country’s banking system. But this explanation raises more questions than answers.

Critics have been questioning if the small bank really deserved the suspiciously gargantuan sum of money that could have been put into more urgent and productive areas, with Indonesia reeling from the global financial crisis.

The massive bailout has given rise to rumors the government had refused to shut down the ailing bank instead because many relatives and financier cronies of top government officials would have lost their huge deposits there.

Under the Indonesian banking laws, the state can only provide Rp 2 billion as a maximum guarantee.

Also under public scrutiny is whether Bank Indonesia, as the controller, effectively monitored the bailout. Appropriate assessments could have either saved the bank or at least minimized the funds that the state had made available to make it healthy.

The bailout saga has been investigated by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) over the past several months. It submitted its interim report to the House of Representatives on Sept. 28 and promised to complete the audit by the end of the year.

From the provisional report, House legislators said they had found criminal evidence surrounding the disputed bailout, such as funds being illegally funneled, inconsistency of statistical data and apparent slackness of supervision by BI.

Advocates of the inquiry have been split over when they should summon the President (or his representatives) to answer lawmakers’ questions on the bailout, which could hamper Yudhoyono’s effort to achieve his own first-100-day targets.

Some opt to wait until the BPK completes its report but the PDI-P insists the inquiry should start as soon as possible.

With 200 lawmakers already signing up, as the PDI-P claims, let’s not be dazzled by the statistics.

Over the past five years, House legislators have attempted numerous such enquiries and pro-government legislators would shoot all of them down.

Now that the 560-member House is dominated by Yudhoyono’s Democratic Party which coalesces with an army of Islamic parties and the Golkar Party, the situation may stay the same. The inquiry motion was tumultuous, as it began as if the country was bracing for a revolution, but after the House politicians assembled for a decision, nothing happened.

This time, the move is sure adding to the pressure for the Yudho-yono regime to honor its promise to fight crippling corruption and will become a test case for the new legislators to prove their commitment to defending the public interest.


http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/05/legislative-inquiry-century-bailout-scandal-no-jokes-please.html

Even SBY has trouble cutting formidable Susno loose

A combination of a presidential order, mounting public pressure and a demand from a team of credible national figures, could only force Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, the National Police chief of detectives, to temporarily relinquish his position.

National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri angrily told reporters in Jakarta on Thursday that he had never dismissed his chief of detectives, despite President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ordering him to do so several days ago.

“There is no such thing as a dismissal. The truth is he is temporarily non-active at his own will,” he said two days after wiretapped recordings played at the Constitutional Court revealed his alleged role in a plot to falsely incriminate two Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputies.

Susno’s defining controversy is his central role in what critics say is a blatant attempt to undermine
the KPK.

He created the "Crocodile versus the Lizard" term, of which the powerful crocodile symbolizes the police, while the inexperienced lizard is intended to represent the KPK.

Born in Pagar Alam, South Sumatra, on July 1, 1954, Susno rose to fame during his tenure as West Java Police chief from January to October in 2008.

He was earlier deputy chief of the Financial Transaction Report Analysis Center (PPATK) and in October last year, he was appointed as the police chief of detectives.

Although rumors that State Secretary Hatta Radjasa, Yudhoyono’s most trusted aide, had helped secure his appointment, many observers believe that it was his three years at the PPATK that saw him become a feared police officer among other generals.

In 2005, the PPATK submitted to then police chief, Gen. Sutanto, a report containing bank accounts of 15 high-ranking officials, each of which held billions to hundreds of billions of rupiah.

With generals on salaries of less than Rp 10 million per month, observers said the inflated accounts were proof of rampant bribery within the police force.

David Ridwan Betz, the executive director of the Alliance of State Official Watch, said the 15 accounts only showed the tip of the iceberg of the total number of suspicious accounts held by police officers.

He estimated there were at least 300 officers that had accounts with billions of rupiah.

He said that he knew that one account even contained Rp 800 billion.

The high-ranking officials with such suspiciously large accounts, he said, now occupy strategic positions within the police force, ranging from regental police chiefs, provincial police chiefs to other high-ranking officers.

As former PPATK deputy chief, Susno had access to data of the large bank accounts held by police officers, said Danang Widoyoko from Indonesia Corruption Watch.

“He knows the secrets of most of the high-ranking police officers. That makes him indispensable and very influential within the police force,” he said.

Danang urged the KPK to start investigating all alleged bribery practices in the police.


http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/06/even-sby-has-trouble-cutting-formidable-susno-loose.html

Thanks for the ‘cicak’, General!

Dear Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri, thank you for your apology, but none needed – at all.

We actually thank your subordinate who coined the phrase “lizard versus crocodile” – we love it! We look forward to sporting the image of the “cicak” and the “buaya” on our T-shirts and hats, bags and bumpers. The Cicak acronym alone – Cinta Indonesia Cinta KPK, Love Indonesia [means] Love the KPK (the anti-graft body) has given a new cause to nationalism – the right one. If you love Indonesia, support the people in the forefront fighting our dreadful, disastrous legacy.

We love nationalistic causes, the last being sporting batik on all kinds of occasions, a better way to beat reports of Malaysia’s “claim” on our heritage than any bilateral deal.

Now this latest cause is not against a foreign country, it’s against our own authorities – anyone deemed to harbor ill intentions to weaken our homegrown heroes, the corruption fighters. Even if the detained deputies are found guilty of abuse of power, the public fears the powers-that-be seek to drag the KPK into insignificance.

More precisely, the Cicak movement is a collective expression against injustice, for no one can understand the speed and intensity of the police’s investigation into the anti-graft leaders, along with the lawmakers’ earlier move to weaken the KPK and the anti-graft court.

Detective chief Comr. Gen. Susno Duaji coined the phrase cicak lawan buaya to insult the KPK leaders who, as small, helpless, insignificant house lizards, would attempt to take on big, strong rivals who were way out of their league.

Of course, this immediately caught the public imagination as a David against Goliath issue, and the popular band Slank has said we can expect a song on the theme very soon.

What chance is there for the “cicak” to prevail? Will the small, quiet creature only be poised to catch the mosquito, just like in the childhood song, asks anti-graft figure Teten Masduki in his recent article in the Kompas daily, referring to the tune “Cicak, cicak di dinding” (“Lizard, lizard on the wall”).

Given the widespread reaction it was rather amusing when on Monday the National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri apologized to the public for Susno’s coining of the term, and begged everyone to stop using it, just when the T-shirt makers are likely gearing up for a surge in business.

It was even more amusing to read of reports quoting the new independent team tasked to look into the KPK saga, who said that everyone should cool down first – just as Facebook supporters hit 400,000 in a few days, just as protesters braved the heat in rallies across several cities, some with creative street art featuring images and puppets of the house lizards and the crocodiles. Just like children, people like to do everything that authorities say not to, even if it comes with a “please”.

The Cicak term interestingly brings our “nationalism” into the spotlight. As usual, each new patriotic cause loudly demands what it takes to show you love your country. More often we have other countries to fight, or rebels to crush.

Domestic causes like “Love Indonesia, Love the KPK” reflect the times we live in. The anti-graft battle is just one among the nuts and bolts of reformasi, involving the grueling work of washing away the stains from the past that won’t go away. The enemy is nowadays among ourselves; no one but fellow Indonesians have the clout to bring the nation down into the swamps, the home of the crocodile.

Over 10 years ago those who organized and descended on the streets were labeled people who did not love their country, those who brought shame on the nation as they aired our dirty laundry for all to see.

Now in a free Indonesia the big shots are likely crying out to deaf ears to “cool down” and stop referring to the lizard and the crocodile. But freely elected leaders mean demands for answers, for accountability, particularly regarding perceived injustice.

Instead of cooling down, people will freely choose to join rallies, sport black ribbons, or just turn to Facebook and click to join the KPK support movement triggered by the police.

So thank you Mr. Policeman, for the “cicak”!


by : Ati Nurbaiti


http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/11/04/thanks-%E2%80%98cicak%E2%80%99-general.html